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We began to search for possibilities of using space more efficiently within the village's borders. The analysis of the village's structure showed that before israeli masterplanning, the structures of the village were organized in quite different ways compared to what we are used to read as the spatial structure of settlements. We developed our own tools for describing the built structure. The main factors were that there were other (and probably more sensitive) ways of moving through the village than by roads, and that 'property' seemed to be working in ways different from those we are accustomed to. An explanation was found in the description of traditional fellahin ways of living we came across during our research. But once there is an exact parcellation describing the borders of personal property, it becomes impossible for such social constructs to survive. We altered the parcellation structure, creating 13 large parcells from what the map material showed as borderlines already existing in the village. The alteration of the lot structure of a place may be a way of favoring certain developments of social life, but it is not a way of creating space for living and economical progress. We developed a new model, trying to describe the potenial of a more efficient usage of the available space. This lead to a tree-like structure of spatial modifications, but again turned out to be a limited tool for proving economical development and, more importantly, was limited to the shaping of space instead of the creation of it. We then analysed extremely densified places like the now demolished Walled City in Kowloon, Hong Kong, to find answers to the question of how intensely a place can be densified anyway. The simple and ambivalent answer we found was that on the one hand, there is practically no limit, but that each stage of densification has its own restraints for the way its populace has to organize its life. We drawed maps describing the actual usage of the village's structure and showing potentials for densification based on the face that, without even having spoken with the people you are planning for, it is impossible to forecast acts that imply massive modifications to the social structure. Part of this marking of potentials was to create a road connection that allowed for traffic of nearby townships to move through Ein Hud, although it is obvious that this connection will not create viable spatial networks. Naturally, our prognoses for modification became more vague the farther we went into modification. Trying to evade the new dead end, we tried to create a model which takes into account both the limited space for an ever growing populace as well as the possibility to modify its residents' situation better. Our prognosis for the space of the Ein Hud township, capable of holding 60 - 65 households until 2015, already implied that most space now used for movement through the town of agriculture would be used for housing. Stuck again here, we realized that there is no other way of creating a future for Ein Hud but to offer more space for its inhabitants one way or the other. Having created a tool for prognosing the village's development, we hope to having produced a tool at least useful for argumenting the need to open up more space for the inhabitants of Ein Hud.

As our version of the masterplan shows, the village needs more space until the latest date in 2020. But even if such an extension (or a larger one), were able to pass through the israeli law system, the basic problem still remained the same. Masterplanning would have to be a process of monitoring Ein Hud's growth and applying pressure on legal bodies each time the space needed for the development of the township was used up. Masterplanning of the village's structure itself would in the first place be a process of mapping and approving changes that already had taken place, making proposals on how infrastructure could be aligned to meet future developments based on updated analyses of the changes of the social structure that took place in the time between planning phases, by taking into account that the village's structure may, yet not neccessarily will, shift into economical structures of sustainability